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Age Of Empires 2 Hd Deutsch



Mit den hier zur Verfügung gestellten German Patch, Deutschpatch, german language pack, zu Age of Empires 2 (HD-Edition), lässt sich die Sprache des Spiels ändern. Je nach Spiel werden unter anderem das Menü, die Untertitel, die Stimmen, die Sprachausgabe oder die Anleitung ins deutsche übersetzt.




Age Of Empires 2 Hd Deutsch



Das fängt schon mit der ordentlichen Vertonung an: In den Briefings und zahlreichen Ingame-Sequenzen reden englische Sprecher (die Texte sind deutsch) mit dezent übertriebenem afrikanischen Akzent. Da kommt gleich spürbar mehr Atmosphäre auf als etwa in The Forgotten, der vorherigen Erweiterung von Age of Empires 2 HD. Ach ja, 18 neue Einzelkarten gibt's auch noch.


ON January 18, 1871, King Wilhelm I of Prussia was crowned Germanb Emperor. This event seemingly ended debate over the "GermanQuestion"--how to define the German nation and unite the disparateGerman states--by unifying Germany under Prussian-Protestant hegemony andexcluding Catholic Austria from the new Reich. This "kleindeutsch"solution to the German Question effected political unification but leftintact the longstanding confessional divide between German Catholics andProtestants. Because confessional identity and difference were pivotal to howcontemporary Germans imagined a nation, the meaning of German nationalidentity remained contested even after unification. But the formation ofGerman national identity during this period was never neutral--confessionalalterity and antagonism was used to imagine confessionally exclusive notionsof German national identity.


The establishment of a "kleindeutsch" German Empireunder Prussian auspices, the anti-Catholic policies of the Kulturkampf, andthe 1883 Luther anniversaries were all stages in a process that conflatedProtestantism with German national identity and marginalized German Catholicsfrom early Wilhelmine society, culture, and politics. Scholars have studiedthis confessionalization of the German national idea, or how GermanProtestants appealed to religious identities and differences to construct aconfessionally exclusive German national idea. (1) But by concentrating onreligious alterity and antagonism, historians of the confessionalization ofthe national idea have neglected to ask how efforts to heal the confessionaldivide might have colored ideas of the German nation.


In addition to attracting both ecumenical and ultramontaneCatholics who were opposed to the Kulturkampf, Ut Omnes Unum won support fromarch-conservative Protestants opposed to Bismarck's policies ofmilitarism and nationalism. Perhaps the most notable Protestant patron ofMassow's salon was Ernst Ludwig von Gerlach. Indeed, Gerlach was typicalof the ultra-conservative Protestants attracted to Ut Omnes Unum. A staunchopponent of a kleindeutsch German Empire, Gerlach famously cut ties with hisold friend Otto von Bismarck and other moderate conservatives after theoutbreak of the Austro-Prussian War. (16) But he later supported Ut OmnesUnum and their inter-confessional vision of German national unity. In fact,his dying words--"I wanted nothing more than to witness the unity of thechurch"--would serve as the motto and were printed on the masthead ofthe Ut Omnes Unum journal. (17) Thus in spite of the confessional differencesof the attendees, the Lutheran pastor Heinrich Ahrendts (1820-1897) recalledmeetings of the Ut Omnes Unum group in Julie von Massow's Dresden homeas:


The conception of an inter-confessional German nation that wasespoused by Ut Omnes Unum represented an alternative to the Protestant notionof the German national idea that had been expressed by liberal nationalistsand cultural Protestants and embodied by Koniggratz, Germany'skleindeutsch unification, and the Kulturkampf. This ecumenization of thenational idea suggested a notion of German national identity that wasconfessionally inclusive rather than exclusive and acknowledged GermanCatholics as constituents of the German nation. But the Ut Omnes Unumgroups' vision of an inter-confessional German nation would stand incontrast to the strong conflation of Protestantism and the German nationalidea articulated at the 1883 anniversaries of Martin Luther's birth.


German Protestants and liberal nationalists gave the Prussianvictory at Koniggratz, the kleindeutsch unification of the German Empire, andthe Kulturkampf, a Protestant inflection that wrote German Catholics out ofthe narrative of German unification. Another site at which the Germannational idea was articulated and fiercely debated--and the confessionalinflection of that idea most apparent--was the 1883 anniversaries of MartinLuther's birth date.


Treitschke also remembered Luther as the first champion of aGerman national identity and solidarity. It was Luther who had initiallystirred the feelings of German national pride and had liberated Germany fromthe yoke of an oppressive foreign influence. The "kleindeutsch"unification of the German nation in 1871 had been the ultimate realization ofthis act. Indeed, Treitschke claimed that Luther's "political"liberation of German Christianity from Roman authority represented a morepowerful and enduring act than his reformation of the church. (41) ForTreitschke the origins of German nationalism and the contemporary Germannation lie with the Protestant Reformation and with Luther. German historybegan with Luther, and the establishment of a Protestant-kleindeutsch empirerepresented the culmination of this history. This confessionally exclusivenarrative of German unification--one that began in 1517 and concluded in1871--explicitly conflated Protestantism with German national identity,perpetuated the confessional divide, and further marginalized Catholics fromGerman political culture.


The politicization of Luther's memory at the 1883anniversaries owes to several factors. By 1883 the Kulturkampf was windingdown to an unsatisfactory end for German liberals and Cultural Protestants.The anniversaries in general, and the politicization of Luther's memoryin particular, represented a way for German Protestants and liberals torevitalize their dying cause--a way of renewing the process of confessionalhomogenization, social marginalization, and political exclusion of GermanCatholics that the Kulturkampf was ultimately unsuccessful at realizing. (42)This, along with the recent appearance of fierce Catholic polemics, such asthe Catholic historian Johannes Janssen's Geschichte des deutschenVolkes seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters (1878-1894), precipitated the callfrom Protestant culture warriors for a final and conclusive defensive waragainst Catholicism.


(1) For the confessionalization of the German national idea duringthe Wilhelmine era, see Wolfgang Altgeld, Katholizismus, Protestantismus,Judentum: uber religios begrundete Gegensatze und nationalreligiose Ideen inder Geschiehte des deutschen Nationalismus (Mainz: Matthias-Grunewald, 1992);Joel F. Harrington and Helmut Walser Smith, "Confessionalization,Community, and State Building in Germany, 1555-1870," The Journal ofModern History 69, no. 1 (March 1997): 77-101; and Helmut Walser Smith,German Nationalism and Religious Conflict: Culture, Ideology, Politics,1870-1914 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995); Heinz-GerhardHaupt and Dieter Langewiesche, eds. Nation und Religion in der deutschenGeschichte (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2001); and Keith H. Pickus,"Native Born Strangers: Jews, Catholics and the German Nation," inReligion und Nation, Nation und Religion: Beitrage zu einer unbewaltigtenGeschichte, ed. Micheal Geyer and Hartmut Lehmann (Gottingen: Wallstein,2004). Altgeld explored how German nationalists and especially Germannationalist theologians conflated Protestant theology and German nationalismto exclude German Catholics and German Jews as internal foreigners whoexisted outside of normative German society, politics, and culture.Harrington and Smith considered how German civil society and the Germannation were constructed along confessional lines. According to Harrington andSmith, the confessional divide was essential to how Wilhelmine GermanCatholics and Protestants imagined the German nation and national identities.Haupt and Langewiesche considered the relationship of religion to ideas ofthe German nation over la longue duree--from the early modern era throughWorld War I-scrutinizing discursive strategies for sacralizing the nation;asking how religious symbols, rituals, and material culture werenationalized; and exploring the role of clerics and laity in giving ideas ofthe German nation a confessional inflection. Pickus examined the histories ofnineteenth-century Germany's "native born strangers," GermanJews and German Catholics, and how German nationalists exploitedGermany's confessional divide to use "a range of outsiders, orothers" to construct both racially and confessionally exclusive ideas ofthe German nation and German national identity.


(7) Neue Evangelische Kirchenzeitung (January 7, 1871), 1, citedin Gunter Brakelmann, "Der Krieg 1870/1871 und die Reichsgrundung imUrteil des Protestantismus," in Kirche zwischen Krieg und Frieden:Studien zur Geschichte des deutschen Protestantismus, ed. Wolfgang Huber andJohannes Schwerdtfeger (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett, 1976), 303.


(10) For the concept of the Catholic milieu, see M. RainerLepsius, "Parteiensystem und Sozialstrukture: zum Problem derDemokritasierung der deutschen Gesellschaft," in Wurtschaft, Gesckiekte,und Wirtsckafisgeschichte: Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von FriedrichLutge, ed. Wilhelm Abel et al. (Stuttgart: G. Fischer, 1966), 371-93. For thesocial, religious, and political reactions of German Catholics to theestablishment of the German Empire, see George G. Windell, The Catholics andGerman Unity, 1866-1871 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1954);Margaret Lavinia Anderson, Windthorst: A Political Biography (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1981); Jonathan Sperber, Popular Catholicism inNineteenth-Century Germany (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,1984); David Blackbourn, Marpingen: Apparitions of the Virgin Mary inNineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993); Thomas Mergel, ZwisckenKlasse und Konfession: Katkolisches Biirgertum im Rheinland 1794-1914(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1994); and Thomas Mergel,"Ultramontanism, Liberalism, Moderation: Political Mentalities andPolitical Behavior of the German Catholic Biirgertum, 1848-1914,"Central European History 29 (1996): 151-74.


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